Spain rules out buying the F-35: What are the alternatives?

On August 7, 2025, Spain shocked its allies and the US when it announced that it would not purchase the Lockheed Martin F-35 to replace neither the aging F-18 ‘Hornet’ of its Air Forces, nor the AV-8 ‘Harriers’ of the Spanish Navy. While no definitive answer has been given for the future of the Spanish naval aviation, the Spanish Defense Minsitry instead announced that Spain would seek strategic autonomy by purchasing more Eurofighter ‘Typhoons’  and would  be placing its hopes in the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) currently under development by a European consortium of German, French, and Spanish companies.

The decision has left the future of the air wing of the Spanish Navy on the medium term in doubt. In view of this situation, the Spanish Navy has opted to continue to extend the life of its fleet of ‘Harriers’ until the 2030s, by witch time the other two countries fielding this same aircraft, the United States and Italy, will have long retired it, complicating Spain’s acquisition of spare parts for the fighters. Meanwhile, for the Spanish Air and Space Force, the FCAS is a long term plan to gradually replace the F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ still in its inventory.

This article seeks to briefly analyze the current situation of the FCAS, the state of the Spanish Air Force and Navy, and the options the Spanish Air Force has left in case the program collapses, with their advantages and disadvantages. The article will finish with the conclusions and recomedations.

The situation

The decision of the Spanish government regarding the F-35 put an end to long standing speculation over the future of Spanish air power. While the Spanish Air Force had already pointed out that it would seek to acquire more Eurofighters, with an additional 35 fighters to be delivered by 2030 instead of the F-35 as replacements for the F-18s, the situation in regards to the Navy remains murky, with no clear options for the Navy to replace its ‘Harriers’ after the 2030 deadline.

The decision by the Spanish government has been contrary to that of other European nations like Denmark,Switzerland, or Belgium, which have decided to acquire the F-35 to bolster their air forces. It has come in the middle of diplomatic tensions between Madrid and Washington due to Spain’s lagging behind in contributions to NATO’s defense. During his first term in office, Trump had pressured NATO members to increase their defense contributions to NATO, the famous 2% GDP minimum. In 2025, at the beginning of President Trump’s second term, the situation has deteriorated for Spain, whose prime minister has been vocal in his opposition to the defense increases to reach 5% of the GDP of the allied states proposed by the Trump Administration and agreed by all members of the alliance in the NATO summit celebrated in The Hague in June, provocking in the way a diplomatic crisis with the Untied States, whose President, half-jokingly, suggested Spain had to bekicked out of NATO.

FCAS, GCAP and politics

As mentioned in the introduction, Spain ditched the F-35 for the FCAS for the Spanish Air Force. The FCAS is a program integrated by Germany, France, and Spain to produce a Sixth-Generation fighter that could work in tandem with a drone network and with advanced sensors. The Spanish Air Force had shown optimism for the program to replace the ageing F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ while the Spanish Navy, as mentioned before, was still hoping to acquire the F-35 to replace the ‘Harriers’.

However, in recent months, the FCAS program has entered a limbo, as challenges dating back as far as 2021have raised concerns over the future viability of the project. Rivalry between European aircraft manufacturers and those of the F-35 is not only limited to the FCAS: the French ‘Rafale’ is one of the main rivals to the F-35 in Europe.

The initial optimism that had been shown by the members of the FCAS has evaporated as the deadline of the FCAS to produce a prototype is approaching with little progress. The main issue at stake is the level of control of the project: France has demanded the control a staggering 80% of the project, according to some sources. This has cast a doubt over the future of the program. The French Dassault, one of the leading companies in the project, and the most experienced one, has been implying that it will develop its own Sixth Generation fighter as it has faced setbacks in negotiations. These are not empty threats, as Dassault is one of the strongest aviation industries and a source of pride in French aviation. That notwhistanding, France has downplayed the level of intensity of the dispute. As of November 2025, France has voiced willingness to seek a mutually acceptable solution.

Germany, responsible for the advanced sensors meant to give the fighter the ability to act as a command and control center for fleets of drones, has blamed the French for the delays and has delivered an ultimatum: either the differences are solved by the end of 2025, or FCAS is over. Germany’s ultimatum came as Airbus started to demand Dassault to be removed from the project. Spain, for its part, involved in the project through Indra, which proposed several projects for the FCAS, has continued to gamble on FCAS, while supporting Germany in keeping the project afloat. Spain has increased funding for the floundering program.

It is worth noting that this is not the first time France has wavered in Pan-European projects, despite being one of the proponents. For instance, France was not present in the projects that created the Panavia ‘Tornado’ or the Eurofighter ‘Typhoon’. Instead, France aimed to focus on the ‘Rafale’, which French President Emmanuel Macron refers to as the “Pan European” alternative to the F-35. It must be noted that the ‘Rafale’ is produced almost entirely by France, with little input of the rest of Europe.

As Spain and Germany continue to drag negotiations with France, other programs to replace fourth generation fighters are already making headway in Europe,  with the most significant being the Global Combat Air Program (GCAP), a joint program conducted by the UK, Italy, and Japan to develop a new fighter, known as the ‘Tempest’, called to replace the Eurofighter ‘Typhoon’ by 2035. The United Kingdom is the senior partner in the GCAP program, with Italy and Japan handling component production, electronics and engines, as well as expertise.

Despite being two of the most important nations involved in the Eurofighter, the UK and Italy have started to shift their focus to the GCAP. While there are some indications that Eurofighter assembly lines will shift to production of the GCAP, the overall future of that aircraft is not in jeopardy. The UK has indicated that it will simultaneously produce ‘Typhoons’ and GCAP fighters. Some members of the Eurofighter program have also stated that they wish to double production by 2028, due to orders from Turkey and others. However, the production of the ‘Typhoon’ is slowing down in the UK as some factories are starting to shut down as orders from the Royal Air Force start to dry up.

With FCAS’ future uncertain, some have voiced that Germany and Spain could join GCAP, but without the economic benefits. On September 28th, the UK voiced willingness to let Germany into the GCAP, with ‘Tempest’ expected to make its first flight in 2027. Other comentators have speculated that Spain and Germany could pursue a separate project with Sweden. This is, however, unlikely because they do not own the technology required to produce a stealth aircraft, since France and Great Britain are the only European powers with the necessary know-how to do it. Beyond them, it is the United States who has pioneered stealth technology with Lockheed Martin’s Skunk Works, responsible for iconic aircraft like the famous SR-71 ‘Blackbird’ and the F-22 ‘Raptor’. That is without mentioning the massive financial costs of designing, building, testing, and maintaining a stealth aircraft.

Spanish Air Force and Navy

Due to the political isolation Spain found itself in the aftermath of WW2, the Spanish armed forces found it hard to acquire modern military equipment. In response to political constraints, it adopted for its Air Force the policy of using a mixed fleet of American and European (French) aircraft, so if one was unable to be maintained for political constraints, Spain would have a Plan B. One example is Spain’s fleet of F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ and Eurofighter ‘Typhoons’.

As mentioned before, Spain placed its hopes in the now moribund FCAS program, leaving the future of the Spanish Air and Space Force in uncharted territory. Since the abandonment of the procurement of the F-35, speculation has run wild in the media over what alternatives Spain could acquire to replace the F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ and ‘Harriers’ and, in the future, the Eurofighter. The F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ entered into service in Spain in the 1980s and the Euroofighters in 2003. The Spanish Air Force has already sought to replace the ‘Hornets’, witch have become obsolete.

As for the Spanish Navy, it is one of the few in the world capable of operating fixed wing aircraft from carriers, in the form of the AV-8 ‘Harriers’ of the 9th Squadron that operates from the BAM ‘Juan Carlos I’. It was initially expected that Spain’s ‘Harrier’ force would be in service up until 2028; however, the decision was put off to 2030 after the decision not to purchase the F-35 made made.

Alternatives for the FCAS

Beside the F-35, there are several fighter aircraft in the market, from the US and Europe than Spain could consider if the FCAS program finally fails. The list  includes planes that have been mentioned to be considered by Spain and other models that have gained popularity in recent years with air forces around the world in both Europe and Asia and could prove to be alternatives for Spain’s aircraft fleet, though in regard to the carrier aircraft and fight generation aircraft, the options are more limited.

McDonell Douglas/Boeing F/A-18 EF ‘Super Hornet’

An icon of naval aviation, the US made Boeing F/A-18 ‘Super Hornet’ has served as the primary carrier fighter aircraft for the US Navy for decades. First introduced by McDonell Douglas in the 1970s as the F/A-18 ‘Hornet’. It entered service in 1979 with the US Navy and Marine Corps. Its latest versions, the F/A-18 EF ‘Super Hornet’ serving as the primary fighter jet of the US Navy. Boeing, who has improved the desing by manufacturing the ‘Super Hornet’ after the merger with McDonell Douglas in the 1990s. The latest upgrade package, known as the  Block III ensures the iconic fighter jet will continue to fly for the foreseeable future.

With the ‘Hornet’ already in service in Spain, it would be an economic solution for Spain to acquire the ‘Super Hornets’, as it would be easier to retrain the pilots of the wings operating the ‘Hornet’ in a plane very similar to those they already fly, and one with a longer combat record than other aircraft on the market. The acquisition of the ‘Super Hornet’ would also go in hand with the Spanish’s Air Force traditional strategy to fly one American and one European fighter. While it would help Spain retain its current capabilities, it will not solve the latent issue of acquiring a Fifth or Sixth generation fighter, though it could be a good option for Spain if it decides not to pursue a stealth aircraft. The ‘Super Hornet’ could also conduct Electronic Warfare (EW) such as the Boeing E/A-18G ‘Growler’ version used by the US Navy, allowing Spain a more economic solution to the Spanish Air Force. However, the main limitation of the Super Hornet is that it is built by the US, witch would clash with Spain’s search for autonomy. Furthremore, it is a slower fighter than the F-35 and has a much shorter range. Another downsize is that it will not give Spain any superior capabilities to those of adversaries such as Russia.

Dassault ‘Rafale’

The other main fighter aircraft capable of flying out of aircraft carriers is the Dassault ‘Rafale’. The ‘Rafale’ has been in service with the French Air and Space Force and Navy, as well as NATO members Greece and Croatia, the latter of which  replaced its older Mig 21 Fishbeds inherited from Yugoslavia. Outside of NATO several countries operate the ‘Rafale’, with India planning on becoming the second country to deploy the naval version of the ‘Rafale’. Other users include the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Future operators of the ‘Rafale’ are Indonesia and Serbia. The ‘Rafale’ has seen action in Libya during the 2011 Air campaign and in Mali. However, the biggest challenge faced by it has been in service with the Indian Air Force. During the 2025 conflict with Pakistan, the French fighter participated in ‘Operation Sindoor’, an air campaign to target terrorist camps within Pakistan, leading to the largest air battle in decades, with more than 114 planes taking part in the air battle. During said engagement, Pakistan claimed five IAF fighters were shot down, including three Rafales. Despite the claims having been heavily disputed, the event sent shockwaves across Western countries, who feared the rise of China’s J-10 Fighters. Despite the losses, India has announced its intention to purchasemore of the Rafales.

For Spain, the ‘Rafale’ could be a good option to operate for its air force, as it would align with Prime Minister’s Sánchez bid for European Autonomy and would be a cheaper alternative for the F-35. However, the ‘Rafale’ does not provide stealth capability, nor would it be Fifth or Sixth Generation Fighter. Nevertheless, the ‘Rafale’ has greater weapon load than the F-35 and more diversity of armament to equip it. However, Spain already operates a European made fighter, the Eurofighter ‘Typhoon’ and could end up creating more dependency on France and could be seen as uncesary.

KAAN Fighter

Another option that has been speculated after the FCAS debacle is the Turkish KAAN Fighter already in development. Madrid and Ankara’s have been growing their defense ties, as seen by the presence of several Turkish companies in the 2025’s Madrid Defense Fair in May, creating speculation that the next fighter jet to enter service with the Spanish Air Force could be a Turkish aircraft, a rumor further advanced by the agreement of Turkey to export the Hürjet trainer to Spain. Turkey began the project with the objective of replacing its fleet of F-16 Fighting Falcons after being excluded from the F-35 Program due to its purchase of the Russian S-400 missiles from Russia. Several countries have shown interest in operating the fighter are Saudi Arabia and Indonesia.

According to Ankara, the KAAN has a capacity to carry more weapons that the F-35. Turkish press has speculated that Spain could purchase the KAAN instead of the F-35. The KAAN is expected to be entering service between 2026 and 2030. While it is likely a cheaper alternative to the Lightning, there are several issues that are still affecting the KAAN and that may affect the export of the fighter. The most glaring one is the issue of the engine. After the removal of Turkey from the F-35 Program, the US also cut Turkey access to the supply of engines necessary for the program. Turkish authorities have frequently boasted that they can pull off the program without American made engines, stating that indigenously produced equipment can be a better alternative. They have also stated that the engine will not come from a single country. However, there is doubtif the engines will be effective, as Turkey continues to try and negotiate access to US engines while at the same time claiming they do not need them. It is expected that Turkey will be able to produce a local engine for the KAAN by 2032.  All this unknown factors make the KAAN an unlikely option for Spain. Furthermore, while expected to be a stealth capable aircraft, only time will tell if it will be able to achieve it.

SAAB JAS 39 Gripen

Another rising star in aviation circles is Sweeden’s SAAB JAS 39 ‘Gripen’. The ‘Gripen’ has been seen by several countries as a cheaper alternative to the more advanced but expensive Lockheed Martin F-35, with the ‘Gripen’ being operated across a variety of air forces across the world, with a handful of examples being Brazil, South Africa, and Colombia, who purchased the ‘Gripen’ in 2025 to replace their older Israeli made ‘Kfirs’. Canada has been eying the ‘Gripen’ as an alternative for the F-35 or at least to operate it jointly. The ‘Gripen’, unlike the KAAN, GCAP, and FCAS, has already been combat tested, with the Gripens going into combat a full thirty seven years after their first flight. Flying with the Royal Thai Air Force, they participated during the 2025, Thai-Cambodian border clashes. Thailand has since, decided to order additional Gripens.

However, the aura of this fighter as a rising star in aviation circles may come to an end, as SAAB is rumored to have secured a contract with the Swedish Government to develop a replacement, rumored to be a an advanced Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) fighter aircraft. Another issue is that, despite ‘Gripen’ having seen combat, it has not faced sophisticated adversaries like the those the ‘Rafale’ or ‘Super Hornet’ have faced in operations, meaning the ‘Gripen’ remains untested to an air-to-air combat environment. The ‘Gripen’, while faster and more agile than the ‘Lightinig’ lacks the stealth capabilities and payload capacity of the F-35. Furthermore, the ‘Gripen’ lacks the advanced sensors the F-35 posses that would be valuable for NATO.

KAI KF-21 ‘Boramae’

Another prototype plane that has risen as an alternative to the F-35 is the KAI KF-21 ‘Boramae’, a quasi-fourth/fifth generation fighter jet in development by South Korea’s Korean Aerospace Industries (KAI). Indonesia is also a minor partner in the development of the KF-21. The KF-21 has both external pilons for weapons and internal weapon bays, like the F-35. The South Korean plan is for the ‘Boramae’ to replace the Republic of Korea Air Force’s (ROKAF) recently retired fleet of F-4 ‘Phantoms’ and the obsolete F-5 fighters. South Korea expects the program to be finished by 2026. According to some reports it is expected that with the ‘Baromae’, South Korea will become the fourth country to produce a stealth fighter.

The program has gained attention in a handful of countries who see the plane as an alternative, with a handful of mentions being Egypt, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Some commentators speculated that Spain could purchase the KF-21. This was based on the incorporation of the ‘Meteor’ missile to the KF-21’s arsenal, a missile used by Spanish Air and Space Force fighters. However, there are several setbacks to why Spain would likely notbe able to field the KF-21. The first one is the industrial factor, as Spain would likely not be able to secure industrial benefits like those it had been seeking in the FCAS program. Furthermore, the FCAS is not a sixth-generation fighter, and would, at best, be a stop gap as Spain tries to acquire a more advanced stealth fighter. The ‘Baromae’ has faced security risks as Indonesia, a non-aligned nation, has continued to hold ties with North Korea, igniting fears in South Korea about continuing the cooperation with Indonesia in the program for fear that the sensitive technology of the Baromae could be compromised. Furthermore, South Korea is not planning for the ‘Baromae’ to replace the F-35, instead it is a complement to it, since South Korea already operates the F-35. Compared to the F-35, the KF-21 is not as stealthy as its counterpat but is much cheaper and easier to maintain. The KF-21 lacks the advanced systems present in the ‘Ligthning’.

Boeing F-15EX ‘Eagle II’

The final option, though highly unlikely could be Boeing’s latest internation of McDonell Douglas’s, iconic fighter jet, the Boeing F-15 EX ‘Eagle II’. The ‘Eagle II’ has improved avionics, increased weapon payload capacity, improved radar systems, and improved weapon systems. It also has more digital systems and touch screen interference. Furthermore, the F-15EX is expected, according to some reports, to integrate the MQ-28 ‘Ghost Bat’ drones as part of the Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA). This would allow the Eagle II to act as a mothership, with the co-pilot of the ‘Eagle’, being able to control the drones in combat, something the FCAS had also proposed. So far tests of the F-15EX have shown promise, allowing the program to continue despite concerns the risk new long range missiles could pose.

The ‘Eagle’ possesses, compared to the other aircraft on this list a much longer combat history,  having incorporated the lessons learned from the Vietnam War, achieving an unmatched 104 to 0 Kill death Ratio to their adversaries in during Operation Mole Criket 19 and Operation Desert Storm. During said operations, American and Israeli Eagles dominted some of the most advanced fighters of the time, including some like the Mig 25 and Mig 29, considered to be more advanced than the ‘Eagle’. Its fighter bomber version, the F-15E ‘Strike Eagle’, on which the ‘Eagle II’ is based on, has participated in every conflict in the Middle East, involving the US and Israel since the 1990s.

Despite being less maneuverable than the Rafale, the ‘Eagle II’ can carry a larger payload of weapons and is faster than the other aircraft on this list. The radar systems on the F-15 make it a lethal fighter for air superiority missions, specially for Beyond Visual Range (BVR) engagements. The costs of the ‘Eagle II’ are lower than the F-35. The main setbacks of the F-15 is that it is produced by the US, in a time when Spain has adopted a more Eurocentric view to defense. The second drawback is that it is a fourth generation fighter, and would not be able to replace the capabilities being sought with FCAS.  Despire this, the ‘Eagle II’ could provide the Spanish Air Force with some of the capabilities it sought in the FCAS, specifically the interoperability with drones. If Spain abandons the acquisition of a stealth fighter, the ‘Eagle II’ would be a lethal player for the air force.

And for the ‘Harrier’?

For the Spanish Navy, there are almost no options with which to replace the ‘Harrier’. Due to its construction, the ‘Juan Carlos I’ can only operate helicopter or VTOL aircraft, making the F-35 the only option on the market. While rumors abound that FCAS, KAAN, and KF-21 could have naval versions, none of them are VTOL capable, preventing their deployment on an Landing Helicopter Dock (LHD). This leaves Spain with only three options: lose the capabillty to operate a fixed wing aircraft after the Harriers are retired, downtrack on their decision and purchase the F-35, witch would require some minor flight deck mofifications to withstand the heat od the F-35’s engine, or option three, replace the ‘Juan Carlos I’ with an aircraft carrier to operate a naval fighter. However, all of them come with considerable economic costs, particularly the latter two options. The third option, however, offers the possibility to operate fixed wing aircraft such as the ‘Rafale’, the F/A-18 ‘Super Hornet’ and the now discarded F-35.

Conclusions

In conclusion, we can say that, while there are several fighters in the market, from both traditional and newsellers alike, all with their own advantages and disadvantages, none of them is able to cover the capabilities the F-35 offers. We can also conclude that regarding naval aviation, Spain’s options to replace the Harriers are more limited, compared to the US or France due to the nature of naval aviation and the type of carriers operated by Spain. The F-35 ‘Lightning’ remains the only fighter, besides the ‘Harrier’, capable of operating out of the ‘Juan Carlos I’. Even if Spain decides to go for a conventional carrier, the F-35 remains a viable candidate, besides the F/A-18 ‘Super Hornet’ and the ‘Rafale’. The development programs of advanced fighters like the KAAN, KF-21, GCAP, and FCAS while showing some promise, remain in the prototype phase, and their future is uncertain and unclear if they will have naval versions in the future.

The decision by the Spanish Government to focus on a European program for its future figthers, while sound on paper, given the changing geopolitical landscape in Europe, has suffered from the internal disputes of France, who has been, almost as a pattern, the architect and saboteur of pan-European defense inititiaves.

We can also conclude that if Spain and European nations in general seek a Sixth-Generation fighter, the only available option close to fulfilling those capabilities is the F-35. The future of the FCAS looks bleak with the deadlines for “the end of 2025” approaching for the three member states to decide their commitment to the program, with the initial August 2025 deadline passing without definitive results. With the deadline for the first test flights being set between 2028 and 2029, only time will show if the program yields results.

We can also state that the choice not to acquire the F-35 fell on a political approach and not a practical one, which has backfired for Spain. Furthermore there are many unknown variables in play, such as whether the ongoing projects will produce a naval version of the aircraft by choice or if the construction of the aircraft will make it impossible.

Based on the economic factor, and the capabilities of the aircraft analized, weapon payloads, and stealth capabilities, the recommended course of action for the Spanish Air and Space Force on the short term would be the modernization of the F/A-18 ‘Hornets’ to the ‘Super Hornet’ to complement the Eurofigher fleet already in possession by Spain. On the longer term, the uncertainty in regards to FCAS means that Spain could only opt for the GCAP, with no benefits for spanish industries. Another option could be to operate either the KF-21 or KAAN being built, with the added costs of being the only European country of operating the models. A more extreme scenario, backtracking on the initial decision and decide to acquire the F-35 ‘Lightning’, is a very unlikely scenario. Another, likely scenario would be for Spain, not to pursue a fifth generation fighter and instead acquire the F-15 EX to modernize the air force. The most recomeded option would be to acquire the F-15 EX for the long term, giving the Spanish Air Force a more powerful fighter to replace the Hornets. As for the Spanish Navy, the recommended course of action is to backtrack on the decision and purchase the F-35, witch would be able to operate out of the ‘Juan Carlos I’ or its rumored successor, giving Spain’s naval forces expeditionary and power projection capabilities similar to those of the US Marine Corps.

As we conclude this article, the future of Spanish air power remains uncertain as FCAS flounders and speculation rises as to what will come next for Spanish military aviation. The decision not to purchase the F-35 has left much room to speculate how the Spanish air force and Navy could look in the future as the FCAS becomes unlikely to materialize. Only time will tell what the Spanish Armed Foces will chose. Whichever choice Spain chooses, it will change Spanish air power for the foreseeable future.