This study analyses trust in news and the relevance granted to journalism by different user profiles in three countries (Denmark, Spain and the United States), each from a different media system as identified by Hallin and Mancini (2004). For this research we used two online surveys (2019, 2020) carried out by the Reuters Institute with more than 2000 people in each country. Our results show that users who consume news through newspapers, radios and television trust news more than those whose main source of information are digital devices. Traditionalist users also have a higher degree of satisfaction with the classic functions of journalism: making the powerful accountable (adversarial function), disseminating current information (disseminating function) and explaining current events to the public (interpretative function). There are differences between countries, especially in the evaluation of the adversarial function. Spaniards, who belong to the polarized pluralist system, are the ones who worst value its fulfilment among their country¿s media.

The idea that journalistic work is crucial to the proper functioning of society is deeply rooted in academic and professional circles. However, the profound changes brought about by the digitalisation of the public sphere lead us to question whether this relevance is still present in the daily lives of citizens. For this reason, this research analyses Spaniards' perceptions of the importance of journalism, their trust in news and their assessment of how journalism fulfils its functions. It also examines whether there are differences in these issues between users whose main sources of information are traditional media (print, radio and television) and those who get their information from digital sources (digital media and social networks). The study is based on surveys conducted by YouGov for the Reuters Institute Digital News Report (DNR) in 2019, 2020 and 2021 among a panel of around 2,000 Spanish digital users. Participants are adult internet users who have consumed news in the last month and are representative of the online population in terms of socio-demographic and geographic criteria. The results show that Spanish users whose main sources of information are traditional media tend to value the fulfilment of journalistic roles (disseminating information, interpreting it, and monitoring power) and trust the news more than those who get their information from digital sources. However, these digitalists attach more importance to journalism than traditionalists (70.6% consider it extremely or very important compared to 59% of those who get their information from traditional media). Part of the distrust expressed by digital users is due to the degree to which it fulfils the functions traditionally attributed to journalism. As they feel that they are less well fulfilled, digital journalists have less confidence in a task that they consider important. Finally, Spaniards believe that the media should report with plurality (76%), neutrality (70%) and fairness (62%), although there are no clear patterns between the two types of users.

Este artículo analiza la evolución de la polarización ideológica en el sistema de partidos español desde 1979. Se propone una reformulación del índice de Dalton para medir la polarización en España y se aplica a las 14 elecciones generales celebradas desde la aprobación de la Constitución. Los resultados indican una evolución con dos periodos distintos de siete elecciones cada uno y un claro aumento de la polarización ideológica desde 2015, alcanzando un máximo histórico en la actualidad. La medición de la polarización ideológica se complementa con la volatilidad y la competencia electoral generada por la llegada de nuevos partidos. Los mayores incrementos de la polarización se produjeron en elecciones que encajan en el concepto de elecciones críticas, es decir, elecciones que producen un cambio sustancial y duradero en los alineamientos electorales

Este artículo analiza el uso de Telegram como herramienta de comunicación electoral en España, centrándose en los mensajes enviados por los cinco partidos mayoritarios del país (PSOE, PP, Vox, Unidas Podemos y Ciudadanos) durante las campañas correspondientes a los comicios generales del 28 de abril y del 10 de noviembre de 2019. Una singularidad de este estudio recae en la triangulación metodológica, con la combinación de dos técnicas de investigación empleadas: un tradicional análisis de contenido y, a su vez, un proceso de minería de datos mediante el lenguaje de programación Python. De esta manera, los resultados iniciales, que apuntan a un mayoritario uso de Telegram como herramienta de movilización y de acercamiento del candidato al votante, se refuerzan y contextualizan gracias a la implementación de técnicas de análisis Big Data que permiten profundizar de forma ágil y precisa en las deducciones del estudio.

The purpose of the study is to examine and compare digital users' motivations for news exposure in three European countries (Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom) belonging to each of Hallin and Mancini's media systems. For this research, a cross-national online survey (2020) of over 2,000 people in each country was used. The users' assessment of the preferences for getting news (from sources that share, challenge or do not have a particular point of view) was analysed, as well as the influence of socio-demographic factors and interest in politics on those motivations. Our results show that a majority of digital users prefer unbiased news. With respect to the socio-demographic variables, a clear pattern can be discerned in the age variable, whereby the older they are, the greater the declared preference for unbiased news. On the other hand, those who show greater interest in politics do prefer reinforcing news. In terms of national differences, motivations for news exposure vary depending on the country studied. In Spain, in line with its belonging to the pluralist-polarised system, the preference for reinforcing news is higher than in Germany and in the United Kingdom.

This paper seeks to present the state of the art of research on political communication regarding social media from 2008 to 2018. To this end, 357 articles published in four academic Communication journals of the first quartile of the Journal Citation Reports (JCR-WoS) were analysed. In search of clarity, the paper follows the structure of Woltons triangle and explains the main effects that social media have over politicians, media and citizens. In general, the results show that current research is empirical and rarely focuses on comparative approaches. In addition, it puts emphasis on new technologies, placing them at the very core of the academic debate.

La communication politique des élections européennes de 2019 a été paradoxale. Alors qu'il s'agissait des dernières à inclure la Grande-Bretagne avant son départ de l'Union, le Brexit n'y a pris qu'une part marginale. Alors que pour la première fois en quarante ans la participation a augmenté, ce sont les partis populistes qui en ont bénéficié, remettant en cause la culture de compromis établie de longue date. Alors que l'on pensait les pratiques médiatiques disparates, notamment le Nord et le Sud, les comportements électoraux se sont caractérisés par une grande communauté d'usages synchrones des médias traditionnels et des réseaux sociaux. Cet ouvrage met ainsi en évidence le paradoxe suivant: si l'Europe semble traversée par de puissantes forces centrifuges, un électeur européen prend forme.